The tweet posted by the U.K.’s Ambassador to Turkey Richard Moore in response to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chairman Devlet Bahçeli, carries the concern of “not becoming involved in the consequences” of the northern Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) referendum decision.

“The U.K. [and the U.S.] are against the referendum like Turkey. Like Turkey, we believe in Iraq’s territorial integrity.”

Do you know what the actual point is?

The U.S. being put in brackets.

The U.K. does not want to be part of the U.S. and Israel’s defeat in Syria, Iraq and the region.

Otherwise, it is impossible for your majesty’s island to shake off the responsibility of the tragedy suffered in the Middle East to date by saying, “we are against the referendum.”

Even though there is some truth to the acceptance that U.S.-U.K. politics are separate, the sensitivity to keep a distance from the foreign policy moves of certain groups in Washington is more prominent London.

This is happening for the first time and let’s say it with tongue in cheek, under normal circumstances, we would need to hold our head between our hands and crouch down somewhere safe. Because it’s interpretation is: “Russia hit the U.S.”

The Russians knew where this was going and they twisted it to, “We gave intelligence support.”

This is what the U.K. has noticed and finds dangerous. It sees the rapidly developing anti-Israel-U.S. conjuncture in the region.

And, if there is any separation between these two countries in their Brexit, U.N. and Middle East preferences, then that means it also sees where the countries following the U.S. in the “Great Middle East” will be going.

This is part of why U.K. is recently siding with Turkey and a little bit because it has taken on the duty by procuration at a time when Turkey-U.S. relations became strained.

In other words, “what it knows” is important, but you shouldn’t get caught up in “what it does.”

You are not going to hear Secretary of Defense Michael Fallon, who met with KRG President Masoud Barzani on Tuesday, say “Give up the referendum,” and miss him saying, “Military support will continue.”

In addition to those who stared at us when we said, “Israel is losing its military move and position superiority for the first time since 1967 – as a matter of fact, it has lost it,” there is also a “base” now.

The U.S. president’s first official meeting at the ongoing U.N. summit was with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and, simultaneously, for the first time, an American military base was opened in Israel.

We need to properly analyze the “missile-air defense” base that is especially emphasized by the Israeli media as “permanent.”

Because, almost all of the critical meetings in New York, primarily with Turkey, are going to be based on Syria, Iraq and Iran, and all of these are connected to Israel, or rather to Tel Aviv’s panic attack.

We need to understand that the first U.S. military base in Israel is not a challenge, on the contrary, it is a retake of the U.S.-Israel front against the Turkey-Russia-Iraq-Iran-Syria line. Israel is currently unable to balance this rise.

Erbil’s so-called Kurdistan referendum is also part of this desperation. (I wrote about what is happening behind the curtain in my last three articles.)

The reason Israel was comfortable when the political projections of this relative retreat were revealed during U.N. meetings is to give a stronger hand to the U.S. in negotiations.

The headlining topic of the National Security Council (MGK) meeting to take place on Sept. 22 will of course be the KRG’s crazy run. As a matter of fact, it wouldn’t be wrong to say that this MGK is being held for this reason. This is why it was moved to an earlier date, why the meeting between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and U.S. President Donald Trump was postponed.

Certain news on what the measures to be taken at the MGK may be are being announced to the public through more than one source.

According to these, the first measures Turkey will be taking against Erbil at the point the referendum takes place will be economic.

In fact, many of Erbil’s critical business elements are tied – as a matter of fact, they are dependent – on Turkey. It is clear that such a series of sanctions will cause some pain.

However, today, there are many examples showing that such sanctions are not functional and long-term. Of course it is obvious that a regional administration that is entirely sieged economically will have difficulty, but I will be clear: There will be those that keep the region that decides to be independent alive and in time, the sanctions will be weakened. This is the history of these lands.

Even the alternatives Erbil was offered to not go ahead with the referendum, which was rejected, give clues of this. One is intervening to improve its ties with Baghdad, but the other is to takes these demands to the U.N. two years later. When you talk about taking such a matter to the U.N., don’t expect “no” as an outcome.

It will be difficult to heal this gangrene, which has been identified by all political/military leaderships of the state as a high “national security” threat, without cutting it off.

The MGK forms the peak of the public mind to which all of this country’s intelligence flows to. It is impossible for there to be no traces of a suitable reaction among the emerging decisions.

And…

Those creating an open and close geopolitical threat to Turkey, those digging up a strategic “pothole,” are trying to weaken the matter through internal and external ethnic slanders against Ankara.

They need to be told to “get out” of here.