The PKK as an armed organization had turned its focus on the blood-filled acts it carried out against the state after it initiated action on Sept. 12. If the history of the past 30 years were to be written today, the clash it initiated against the state, and its toll, would take prominence.
There are two significant elements that evade the eye with regard to this process of armed uprising: One of them is Turkey’s political and cultural mindset and implementations, which principally led to the birth of Kurdish nationalism and fueled it. Fuelled by such an atmosphere, the PKK opted to become a nationalist-separatist armed organization with Stalinist characteristics – examples of which were plentiful during the Cold War period -- from the start, and by shedding blood for its suppressed aims…
It is largely forgotten today that as part of its strategy with Kurdish nationalism as its basis, the PKK absorbed various organizations within itself that were Marxist in character to a significant degree i.e. a strategy to monopolize the struggle on the basis of Kurdishness. While it engaged in absorbing these small and large rival Kurdish nationalist organizations in a bloody manner, it also consciously implemented a strategy of violence that destroyed the region’s traditional structure and relationships. The mass executions it resorted to in order to break the hold of the region’s traditional authority figures were meant to comprehensively do away with any possible retaliatory attacks.
It also knew well how to feed off state violence at the same time as it clashed with the state. While it forced the organized Kurdish nationalist opposition to shelter in the range cast by its shadow, it also served to secularize society. From this perspective, it could also be called a delayed Kemalist secularization model.
How can it be explained that while, on the one hand, a structure which starts talks with the state and joins the “reconciliation process,” and one that chants gilded slogans like peace, equal citizenship and justice; on the other hand, resorts to violence? It is known to all that the PKK is most in need of making peace! If this process is destroyed, then it will mean a new international plot that led the region, Turkey and the PKK to lay a trap of their own making.
It brings to mind international plots and forces with vested interests in the region. This would require analysis in a different context. It is clear that it would be more meaningful to properly comprehend the nature of this violence and attacks within the context of them just being employed during the peace process and as a threat.
The strategy adopted 30 years ago of creating a monopoly over Kurdish nationalist movements by destroying structures with similar ideological and political aims, is being implemented in a different shape today… It is linked to its monopolistic character that it holds talks with the state on the one hand, and engages in clashes with the segment that doesn’t hold the same world view as it, or to be more precise, whose political stance doesn’t overlap with its own, on the other hand.
It constitutes the continuation of the mindset to destroy at any cost the creation of different societal and political representations that might challenge the position it has gained -- particularly in a political sense and at local administration level, which also gives it a sense of superiority -- and any challenge to its claim of representing Kurdish society as the sole ideological and political power.
Despite being estranged from the values and culture of the Muslim Kurdish populace, it did not refrain from softening its initial rigid Marxist implementations when necessary, and implementing symbolic changes in the religious and cultural field to arouse empathy and remove the ideological, cultural and societal contradictions in order to consolidate its power – which was fed by the forced implementations of Kemalist elites – and leave it without rivals.
The aim is to secularize a Muslim society with the end result of eroding its values; but also to adopt a pragmatist approach similar to that of the stances taken by conservative right parties and become a mass movement through steps that arouse empathy but are void of content.
The PKK’s desire to eliminate structures outside its control that -- even if they were used by the state in the past -- have now renounced violence, and voice an Islamic discourse is not linked to exacting revenge for past actions. The actual issue is – in the same way that it opted to ruthlessly implement all kinds of means to eliminate rivals at the start – the PKK’s using its political bargaining power and position to exert complete control over the societal structure.
This strategy of societal engineering and seeking to establish a political monopoly is the most significant provocative element facing the region and the process. The liberal and Western circles that hail it as a freedom fighter; want to legitimize it; and even at the cost of contradicting their own values, want to make it accepted and supported across Turkey, do so due to the PKK’s opposition to society’s values and its Islamic world view.
Instead of opposing the process that will stop the spilling the blood of youngsters and civilians as part of a false struggle and prevent brainwashing; the totalitarianism that prevents the representation of the region’s Muslim populace should be opposed.
The support provided out of political naiveté, reminiscent of native foreigners in Turkey, will not legitimize societal engineering. It is necessary to notice the societal engineering being carried out via blackmail by the Kurdish nationalist mindset, which symmetrically resembles that of a Kemalist, and which has declared war on the values of a Muslim populace. The prevention of the region’s Muslim populace from existing with its own identity, and a Jacobean secularist cadre taking hostage of this populace’s identity, is the most important problem.