Ömer Altıparmak, the Ex-Chief of the Intelligence Agency, was one of the first names, who had been dismissed within the frame of the liquidation of the “parallel structure”.
Apparently, he made some statements and mentioned my articles related with the wiretapping of Cevat Öneş, the Ex-Deputy Secretary of MIT, İdris Naim Şahin, that period’s minister’s, knowledge of this beforehand, and, the fact that this wiretapping was related with the Gülen-led group’s state control policies.
According to the news agency of the Gülen-led group, he stated the following:
“Yes, we will conduct wiretappings. That Deputy Secretary had participated in all of the democratic autonomy workshops, in which, a democratic autonomy, which declared itself as one on July 14, 2011, that constituted a rebellion against my unitary structure, had been declared. Now, will his positions in the high ranks of government agencies legalize such a movement against my country’s unitary structure and constitutional system? No matter what his duty is or what title he carries, they are trying to present the pursuit of an individual, who aims to divide my country and participates in workshops related with the declaration of democratic autonomy, by the Police Intelligence Bureau as a crime….”
Like a challenging janissary master….
However, like “A gypsy man speaks of his thievery while talking about his bravery”, Altıparmak stuck the scalpel to himself….
In a state of law, can a police or an intelligence officer decide whether participating in an open and civil meeting is a crime or not? Can they pass judgment about which meeting will divide the country and which won’t? With such attitudes, can they draw the frame of any of the country’s policies, for example, the Kurdish policy?
Some officers, who are deciding, over the government policies and laws, that autonomy is a crime, workshops are organizational meetings, and the people that participate in those meetings are PKK members….
This is one of the identifications of a police state.
Hadn’t Büşra Ersanlı and Ragıp Zarakolu been tracked in this way and arrested because of giving classes in a legal and legitimate political party’s party school? Weren’t the records that had been produced from the intelligence agency’s reports and the bill of indictments from those records? Hadn’t some academicians been treated as “theoreticians” after they had joined the roof party and studied the Kurdish issue? Hadn’t the mid-frame of the KCK cases been underlined this way?
The intelligence police officer orders as following in the demand he had written to the Court related with Cevat Öneş:
“On the grounds that he had operated within the Democratic Community Congress (DCC), which had been established in line with the instructions of the head of the PKK/KCK Terrorist organization…”
He is passing judgment….
A judgment related with; what DTK is, that participating in a DTK meeting is a criminal activity, that Öneş, an ex-deputy undersecretary, is operating within this structure…
Besides, an “a priori” judgment….
The catastrophic thing is that İdris Naim Şahin, that period’s minister, knows about this, becomes persuaded and then confirms it.
There are two meanings to what’s happening;
1 - Some intelligence officer policemen, officers and officials, who are members of the Gülen-led group, are using their authorities for the operations they will conduct within the state. They are arbitrarily gathering information for their liquidation operations, and they are camouflaging it in a legal way. The wiretapping of Öneş, the publication of the news about the claim that Öneş is one of the writers of the KCK regulations on the newspapers and TV channels that belong to the Gülen-led group and all this made to coincide with the Oslo crisis and the Gülen-led group’s MIT operation is pointing at a quite clear situation.
2- Some intelligence officer police, other officers and officials, who are members of the Gülen-led group, are using their authorities to actualize the Kurdish policy, which had been designated by a non-governmental organization, or at least, to direct the government policies in that direction. The Resolution Process, negotiations and peace all stand before us as the main objectives of this unauthorized Kurdish policy. The enlargement of scope in KCK, the pursuit of effective people, who are mixed up in peace works, the production of a severe, oppressive environment by criminalizing all the people that touch the matter of peace (without forgetting the government’s responsibility and their attitude towards KCK) is also gaining meaning with this frame when we look back today. Now I understand the declaration of my criticisms towards İdris Naim Şahin as an operation (Altıparmak repeated this in his İzmir speech), the anger of all the writers, academicians, newspapers, NGO representatives and the members of the Gülen-led group towards the “Carpenter’s Error” sentence and the things they’ve done to me.
Now I see why and how the Akit website crew, which had been used by İdris Naim Şahin, Mehmet Baransu and some Gülenist police, are showing a reaction against the DPI trips, in which parliamentarians, journalists and academicians participate.
However, the matter is not just a matter of the Gülen-led group as it’s assumed.
Originally, the democratization of the intelligence agency and the juridical supervisions are the methods of resolving the leaks within the state institutionally.
Are we advancing in that direction?
The question is clear.
