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CHP"s test with the religion

Thinking about its initial years and the global conjecture back then, it was relatively more convenient for the founder party of the republic CHP to apply a model of a country deprived of religious life and symbols. There were times when people were beaten with gunstocks because they recited Sobhanak, quotes from Quran. In those times, religious, historical, and Arabic scripted works were destroyed, and villages were left without an Imam to wash dead bodies. This period was closed with the commencement of the multi party system in Turkey. However, the fact that CHP is trying to change its policy of religion, even its perception is the same, marks a critical mark in history. If I hadn"t read Ismail Kara"s article on the Derin Tarih journal in its June issue, I would have been much more surprised with the nomination of Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu as a roof candidate.

Ismail Kara in his article moving from the fact that Democrat Party arose from CHP, poses the question "Did Democrats have a different secularism policy than that of CHP? Did Democrats of 1944 had a different perception of religion or Islam than that of the Republican Ideology?" However, instead of this question I find it more helpful to summarize the parts related to the transformation of CHP in order to understand the current issue.

CHP lays out secularism in 1947 and discusses it more than any party would do. The reason behind this was not regret but the changed dynamics after the outbreak of WW2. At the face of the Russian threat, Turkey made a radical shift in politics and acceded to the American side. At home, CHP lost all its prestige in sight of people. Under the influence of these two dynamics, CHP first lays out the 6 arrows secularism on the table (about which it was indifferent whether it hit any citizen). The discussion has been published as the seventh CHP Congress Report in a huge book similar to an encyclopedia volume. Ismail Kara in his article benefits from it as a reference source.

The congress begins a discussion over the "arrow" of secularism under the presidency of the old Islamist Semseddin Günaltay in December 2, 1947. Many CHP MPs admit that the fault is gross on the matter of religion. They claimed that there were no Imams to wash dead bodies. Tahsin Banguoglu delivers a concise speech on this issue. "There have been attitudes of negligence, indifferences in this regard. We are willing to remove them." Banguoglu states that what CHP cannot give any space is only Sharia, the Islamic law. CHP does not suffice with the speeches at the congress, as the government, it also engages with certain implementations.

CHP attempts to build the Kocatepe Mosque in a visible spot in Ankara. It removes the pilgrimage ban that had been forbidden before.

Ahmet Hamdi Akseki was brought to Presidency of the Directorate of Religious Affairs. After 25 years, the religion class was added in the curriculum of 4th and 5th grade students. Religious Vocational High schools were reactivated. The School of Divinity of Ankara University was reopened.

The Quran schools were re-opened. 25 tombs were re-opened that had been closed since 1925. The Arabic script used on the public state building, earlier covered with whitewash, were re-opened. (1950)

Established in those years and having implemented such activities, DP did not have a different worldview from CHP. It was only that DP was more suitable and open to represent the mollified secularism insight. DP continues to these implementations with expanding the religious classes to the middle school. It advances religious vocational schools as 7-year lasting high schools. It opens High Islamic Institute. It develops the means of the Directorate of Religious Affairs. It expands the religious content in publications. It supports the publication of Risale-i Nur collection with Latin alphabet from the discretionary fund. It shows an endeavor to re-build the relationships with Islamic countries. It strives to fix historical mosques. It shows more tolerance to the visibility of religious life and symbols. The Islamic call to prayer is set back to Arabic. However, the law for protecting Atatürk is passed at the time of DP that leads to the conviction of many people.

Ismail Kara interprets the years within such political collusion this way: "Now the political authority/CHP is shaped to the Opposition/DP and vice versa through protection and opposition to each other."

Just like in those years, today CHP is at the crossroad under the global system force trying to identify its path and reforming itself. However, this time there is no congress or a joint discussion like in 1947. It executes the same policy by means of an external and deep mind that has no organic compliance with CHP. We will see the result.

Instead of CHP"s nomination of Ihsanoglu, what makes me wonder is why he accepted it. What was that force that drove Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu to such a political path? What could have been the reason that pushed a notably over-cautious diplomat to a test as such difficult and the failure is guaranteed? What was he told? What kind of a formula was proposed to him? Why was it Kemal Dervis who planned this process?

The head-scarf was again made an instrument of politics. This time it is Ihsanoglu"s wife who does not wear the head-scarf. This is how Ihsanoglu is narrated. So you are a democrat and secular when your wife does not wear head-scarf!

In my opinion, this is quite a wrong indicator. His successful performance with anti-democratic Arabian countries such as Saudi Arabia is more an important indicator than this. To build good relationships with such countries does not show a democratic political mentality; on the contrary, it means the recognition of authoritarianism and that it is just a live and let live attitude.


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