According to Orhan Kabibay, who is following all coups like a shadow, the March 12, 1971 coup is an “orbit correction movement.” It is a movement to set Turkey, which is about to leave its orbit, into a new orbit.
Gen. Çevik Bir, another coup perpetrator had said, “we gave democracy a balance adjustment” with Feb. 28 and what's interesting is that this adjustment was made with the tanks driven on Sincan's streets in capital Ankara.
Yet on July 15, 2016, the people set Turkey in a new orbit. This time they made a spectacular “balance adjustment” on the Gülenist Terror Organization (FETÖ) coup perpetrators – and actually all pro-coup circles – and said, “I am here now.”
Also, had it not been for that unique meeting of our police forces – comprised of the heroic children of this nation – with the people, Turkey's streets could have resembled those in Egypt – it was only a matter of time away.
Also, heroes like Sergeant Ömer Halisdemir, who eliminated a dire threat by shooting in the head Brigadier Gen. Semih Terzi just as he was about to take the head of the Special Action Forces in the military, which the dear people cherish as the house of the prophet, will never be forgotten.
In the democracy watches held in Taksim and Kısıklı and the great walk on Bosporus Bridge, it became concrete in my mind: It is good that the anti-coup theme was discussed for years and this way the coup danger awareness has been instilled in the people. Now when a coup is mentioned, Sultan Abdülaziz, Sultan Abdülhamid II, late presidents Adnan Menderes and Turgut Özal and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are all listed in the common memory.
Why do you think Süleyman Demirel, another late president, who was subject to a coup on two occasions, is not among these victims? Surely because of his own mistake. It is because of his attitude, how he looked down on the people in the Feb. 28 period, during his term in office as president.
Leftism without the people
İdris Küçükömer and Cemil Meriç had both caught the bull by the horns. In Turkey the left is right and the right is left. The left never had an intellectual among the people like Mehmet Akif Ersoy, who traveled village by village to call the people to the National Struggle. Nazım Hikmet? Do not make me laugh. Novelist Orhan Kemal tells in his memoire titled “Nazım Hikmet'lee Üç Buçuk Yıl” (Three-and-a-half years with Nazım Hikmet):
“I was happy when I heard Nazım Hikmet was going to come to Bursa Prison. Fortunately for me they brought him to my ward. I made a sujuk omlette. Nazım insisted, 'I will not eat on the ground, I eat at the table.' Then he cringed saying, 'Are we going to eat from the same plate with you now?' and asked for a separate plate. 'Or we will catch scurvy,' he added. He is the most populist of them.”
What the left that spent decades with double-talk saying “we are with the people's government, the people's movement, the oppressed,” learning on July 15 what the people's movement meant, must have made it go through shock after shock that it is not making a peep. We can understand that the left, which has never associated with the pople as much as the conservatives, is not the people's movement but an intellectual movement disconnected from the people by its siding with and being personally involved in the March 9 coup attempt and formations such as the Madanoğlu Junta.
They resorted to coups because they knew the people would not vote them to power. The theorist of the March 9 coup, Doğan Avcıoğlu, is able to write in his article titled “Milli İrade dediğin” (What you call National Will), published in the Devrim newspaper, that the national will has no meaning before armed forces and for this he uses the term, “pretty democracy,” and was able to clearly state that the parliamentarian order would need to be destroyed to make a change in the order.
The traitors' bombing the Grand National Assembly of Turkey beside the presidential complex on July 15 shows that the FETÖ coup attempt has taken over many poisonous elements from the 1971 junta – including enmity toward the national will. Here are the junta tactics Akyaz wrote in his book titled “Askeri Müdahalelerin Orduya Etkisi” (The impact of military intervention on the army):
Soldiers and military-based members from the Revolution General Council, which is similar to the Peace at Home Council, whose show of strength we witnessed on the night of July 15, were going to get their hooks on military units, and civilian members were going to influence legal institutions throughout the country and commissioned officers as much as possible, and expand the organization. The military wing of the revolutionary force was going to be made up of much younger commissioned officers. Military school students and the highest level captain ranking commissioned officers were going to be chosen in particular.
Where were they going to take the country?
According to information provided by my friend Süleyman Yeşilyurt on our show on TVNet, the likes of Brigadier Gen. Semih Terzi, who was shot by Ömer Halisdemir on the night of July 15, were figures who seeped in to the General Staff Headquarters during Işık Koşaner's term while a colonel. We also know that they were organized in Mürted, Merzifon and Eskişehir to realize the March 9 coup and the critical role of Mürted, whose name was especially changed to Akıncı in the last coup attempt.
Let us note that the March 9 coup plan in which İlhan Selçuk was also involved, aimed to turn the country into the Baath Party-like structure in Iraq and Syria after the coup. Had the July 15 coup attempt been successful, it was going to be a matter of time before Turkey was turned into a dictatorial organization and destroyed like Syria. It is because all the people, including our Syrian brothers and sisters, saw this big game that they poured to the streets and risked their lives to prevent Turkey from turning into Syria and eventually being wiped off from history.
A young man who approached me during the democracy watch in Kısıklı tells in excitement:
A friend of his was going home late from work and saw that his elderly mother is not home. He thinks she probably went to the neighbor. Right at that moment he hears about President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's call to take to the streets. He throws himself out to Vatan Avenue and sees an elderly woman in standing in the corner. When he gets closer he sees that the elderly woman is his mother… His mother came to the watch long before him. After a long struggle to convince her to go home his mother says, “If you and your father come home before morning I will not forgive you,” and does not leave the watch before getting him to promise.
A legend was written on those longest 22 hours by those who stopped the tanks by stuffing their shirts into their exhausts, those who shouted at the coup perpetrator soldiers, “Where will you go once your bullets run out?” We are going to talk about this for years and we are going to have a proud Çanakkale legend which we will tell our children in the future. We are going to say we too witnessed history being made. If there are no more coups in this country, it is because of the charge of the civilians holding flags and reciting prayers on July 15, we are going to tell them.
And while speaking on the phone to my martyred friend Mustafa Cambaz's wife, I realized that I was the one who needed consoling. She had such unfaltering faith, it was obvious in her voice. Believe me, no force could stand before such pure faith. Just as the bloodiest of all coups, the July 15 attempt couldn't either.