The presence of the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETÖ) within the state for almost the last 15 years is seen as a major problem. It had become essential to take a step towards neutralizing the elements striving to take control over the state from within, and eliminate the problem. Those trying to see and show political determination as authoritarianism being an active part of the process has shown that what we are faced with is no ordinary organizational group. While acknowledging the problem and deciding to make a move alone was important, it was not long before the faith that efforts would prove successful grew strong. The more Türkiye reflected its will to change on the field, the more deep state groups started to take action. This meant that the conflict would constantly gain new dimensions.
FETÖ was built from the very beginning as a non-nationalistic organization. The 1990s need to be analyzed well to see this. Alongside similar groups, FETÖ had proven in Gulf War I that it would serve as an effective tool for U.S. imperialism’s regional and global operations. It later went beyond being a project. In order to understand this period, all terrorist groups need to be considered together. However, note that it would be quite misleading to view terrorism from the European and U.S. perspective. Unless the non-nationalism term is viewed outside periodical developments, it would be impossible to fully understand the new era that started in the 1990s. Non-nationalism is one of pos-colonial criticism’s most fundamental terms, and cosmopolitan identities are much beyond being a cultural problem. Politicization was always discussed in passive terms, and critical approaches were thus shaped within this frame. Yet, non-nationalistic groups were politicizing in an organizational manner, and it was almost impossible to identify this in religious terms.
It was revealed in 2013 that this organization infiltrated all groups. Immediately after the Gezi Park attempt, we experienced the Dec. 17-25 judicial coup. This was followed one month later by a raid on the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) trucks. There is no need to list the other events. The groups involved in trench terrorism have shown clearly the sort of politicization that is in question. The artificiality of all the discussion topics shaping our thoughts was revealed on July 15, 2016. The West was the world’s center, and our discussion topics were taking shape accordingly. Our perspective was problematic, and we had too many blind spots. Unfortunately, our “critical lens” was focused solely within, and even the major events we experienced could not reveal this reality. Terrorist organizations emerged and grew in accordance with the objectives of West-based politicization. Thus, the reach dependent groups had was not fully clear. The fundamental codes of the colonial mindset developed on the axis of Western values. The fact that the boundaries of organizations such as FETÖ are unquestionable is an important drawback.
FETÖ members fleeing abroad as of 2014 was an extremely striking event. One of the most important outcomes of the Dec. 17-25 judicial coup attempt was FETÖ members cutting their ties with Türkiye. It was obvious that this would lead to grave results. These results would reflect even in faith. This needs to be included in the migration phenomenon as a further dimension. The elimination of a political party leader during the election process may turn into a discussion topic far from its context. However, the criticality of this terrorist problem will become clearer when the time comes. It is not very easy to establish a clear idea about the quantity, but the fact that a new diaspora has formed abroad can no longer be denied.
If we take as basis the Gezi Park attempt, it can be said that Türkiye has made serious progress within against FETÖ-based dependent organizations. This is one of the most important results of the May 14 election. All elements of West-based politicization took an active approach on the ground, yet the People’s Alliance, achieved a victory, which will be better appreciated over time. There is no doubt that the lion’s share of this victory belongs the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The Turkish people’s support for Erdoğan is also likely to be better appreciated in the future. Those who see May 29 as the start of a new era are not wrong.
Frankly, it is no coincidence that oppositions such as nationalistic and non-nationalistic developed during this period.
