For the last 17 months, where the violence that had been the routine of the country has ceased, we all figured how issues can be discussed more easily and that every complaint, problem or demand can freely be spoken. In fact, we may take the resolution process to an earlier date. In 2009 in August when Besir Atalay declared the Democratic Opening process, Turkey gave its sign that there would remain no trace of Kurdish question any more since what is called ''the Kurdish question'' is majorly a problem of not acknowledging the Kurdish language and its identity. As we have entered into a new era both have been recognized in the state''s official discourse and that there is nothing left unspeakable in terms of Kurdish politics, as the aspect of question regarding Kurds must have been settled. As a matter of fact, it happened to be so. Today the scope of Kurdish politics, that is, the scope of discussions, expressions and demands has largely expanded. Kurdishness has taken its place with its language, culture and prestige as a normal aspect of the country. Even as a marginal issue, the right of the education in one''s own language, i.e. Kurdish, has been acknowledged and passed as a law at least for private schools in the parliament on March 30. The interest to these schools can push the state''s support for them. However, a feasible observation must be done on the real, genuine aspect of this demand.
Apart from everything, one expects that those who are economically well grounded and come up with this kind of demand most frequently send their kids to such schools before everyone else. On the contrary, even though these people never send their kids to these schools, they demand this as an obligation acknowledged by the state and to be dictated to poor Kurdish kids.
Their goal is to load the burden of their nationalism upon the shoulders of poor Kurdish people. At any rate, just because someone is Kurdish does not make it right to force him or her to prefer the education in Kurdish.
On this issue, there is no obstacle blocking the road if anyone wants to make a step further. However, the only way that this step will be sound and not contradicting with other rights of freedom, it must be a feasible one.
This on the other hand cannot be expected to realize during a time when the tutelage of a military organization is affecting the medium in the most overwhelming sense. Unfortunately, there is a military organization that did not keep its promise for disarming itself and this structure is reckoning the emergence of conditions, which will provide it the grant of controlling a domain from within the process.
In the resolution process, when it was expected to fulfill its promise to disarm itself, the organization contended its activity and even so increased its activity in the field and filled the content of the process the way it pleased in quite an ironic way by calling it the democratic autonomy process.
While it is required that it withdraws its troops from the mountain, it is still calling for more members there during the process.
This approach is not welcoming the spirit of the resolution process. The kids most of whom are below 18 are taken away from their families by force to the mountains. Recently families have outspokenly talked against this issue for the first time.
First a mother in Diyarbakir started a demonstration in April 23 for the reason that her son was taken away to a picnic and from there on abducted to the mountain. On her demonstration in which she directly addressed BDP MPs and the municipality administration, the organization submitted the kid to his family.
After that, similar cases occurred in Diyarbakir while the number of abducted kids has reached to 9 by today on account of which mothers have started demonstrations. Mothers after receiving the message of BHP-HDP MPs ''be proud because your kids are on the mountain'' they replied addressing them ''If you are so keen on it, go up there with your own kids.'' This is the discourse of their movement.
For sure to such indifference of the HDP MPs in the resolution process, the mothers'' counteractive movement, which occurred for the first time in the last 30 years, is also quite noticeable. We know that this movement is looking for ways to show up. A demonstrating mother''s 14-year-old kid was abducted by PKK 3 years ago and taken up to the mountain. A military movement that is produced from a 14-year-old kid does not indicate a Kurdish question but simply a terror issue.
Essentially speaking, as long as a democratic autonomy within the sense of BDP and HDP finds space in de facto terms, we are in a situation where no one is safe and has no right of speech or existence that is except for the adherents of the military organization.
For instance, some student group activities in the region are impeded by this logic and use of violence. The incidents that occurred in the last week in Lice and Siirt University are quite striking in that regard. Students who gathered to make a public announcement to denounce the executions in Egypt were prevented from doing so by a group of HDP members and the given reason is without their permission such movements are not to be accomplished in Siirt University.
Thus, the democratic autonomy is transforming into a rude power show and willingness, which merely demands a space to dominate as an organization in a feudal manner.