The discourse U.S. President Donald Trump is promoting as the “project of the century,” and the contents of which is, in reality, obscure, is currently dominating the Middle East’s agenda. While the project that is claimed will settle the Palestine issue and end the Arab-Israeli conflict is, for now, being tossed around like a ball between Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan, the field is being managed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
While objections to the unknown project from Jordan were postponed with $2 billion worth of support, the most visibly obvious result of the project is Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relations with Israel entering the normalization stage. It is clear that Egypt is also keeping quiet for the sake of U.S. and Israeli support.
Hiding the details of the proposed project to resolve the Palestine issue from the Arab public, who view the matter as the greatest issue of the 20th century and the most fundamental problem of the Arab world, and essentially accepting the likely outcomes without any discussion, indicates a very dangerous start in terms of the Middle East’s future.
Who will the project of the century save?
It might be presumed that the Arab public does not consider Trump’s “deviant project,” which aims to clear Jerusalem of Palestinians, empty Gaza and the build a new Palestine in the Sinai Peninsula, worth discussing. However, while the Arab public is occupied with this unknown project, dreaming that it will bring peace, it must also not be forgotten that the owners of the project may easily realize their short-term goals.
In reality, I don’t think Trump is the least concerned about the long-term and eventual goals of the project that will be discussed for at least the next 60 years. It is clear that Evangelist Trump and Zionist Israel are seeking to actualize a short-term goal. The U.S. and Israel have already made some gains. The U.S. and Israel have already made some gains. By bringing this project onto the agenda, Trump has managed to postpone the political discussions and harsh criticisms against him in the U.S. thanks to Zionist-Evangelist lobbies. Similarly, since the project first emerged, Israel drew up new settlement plans and demolished the village of Khan al-Ahmar, which hosted 180 homes and was located between West Bank and Jerusalem, thus taking the first steps in severing Palestinians’ ties with East Jerusalem. Meanwhile, the energy cooperation between Egypt and Israel, which closely concerns Turkey, is added to all this.
Who will govern Palestine?
Besides all this, the most important matter absent from the agenda these days is Palestine’s future administration. Both the “deviant project” and maintenance of the results achieved thus far are dependent on the new Palestinian administration that will be formed in the near future.
The health of Mahmoud Abbas, who has been governing Palestine – after Yasser Arafat – in harmony with Israel, has deteriorated. Meanwhile, the lack of progress regarding the Gaza matter after Hamas announcement that it will disband the administration has opened debates of legitimacy.
So, who will replace Mahmoud Abbas?
Since in reality there is no Palestinian government, the person to come after Abbas is either going to comply with Trump’s “deviant project” or continue the struggle of the Palestinian people, which has been ongoing for over half a century. According to the Palestinian constitution, in the event Abbas fails to fulfill his duty for any reason, an election is to be held in 60 days to elect a new head of state. However, the same article stipulates that during this period, the duty of head of state is fulfilled by the parliament chair. But since the current parliament chair is not from Fatah, this is almost impossible to implement. Therefore, there will be a search for a mechanism to which the administration can be quickly transferred. This will then lead to foreign interventions.
Let us take a close look at the candidates:
Rami Hamdallah, a very popular prime minister in Palestine’s streets, is considered a good candidate in the eyes of Fatah. However, there are serious suspicions that he will be able to demonstrate resoluteness against Israel’s policies. One other possibility is that Abbas might appoint a proxy and renounce his post as head of state and head to the polls. This might be to Israel’s advantage, but it is a formula far from fulfilling the expectations of all parties.
On a different note, there are serious divergences and rivalries between the two generations of the Fatah movement. Each group is implementing projects behind closed doors against the other. Even though the lack of result of the first generation has sparked exhaustion, pessimism and languor, those among these groups who are able to find foreign backing are at an advantage. Mohammed Dahlan, who is known to be the UAE’s henchman and appears to have a problem with the current administration, is also mentioned among these figures. Dahlan, former Fatah security chief, is known for his dark relations and criminal identity. Dahlan, who is said to have been involved in Turkey’s July 15 coup attempt, is the most suitable candidate to realize the plans of Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Israel and even the U.S. He also has significant prestige among the public in Palestine since the Oslo process – thanks mostly to UAE support – and serious influence over certain administrators, intellectuals and influencers that claim “Arab Nationalism.”
Though he is considered to be from Dahlan’s team, Nablus Governor Mahmoud al-Aloul, who has his own style and a positive image among the people, is also a likely candidate. His appointment would play a positive role in the re-establishment of balances.
Under these conditions, the project of the century for Palestine is pivoted on who will become the new head of state. This process, which presents great significance in the name of regional and world peace, needs to be followed closely. Turkey is no longer the old Turkey. In the new system, it is able to make bold decisions in foreign policy. It might have to become involved more actively and in a result-focused approach in the Palestine cause, to which it has been providing great support for the last six decades. Thus, it must first open all the doors of dialogue that are closed with the Arab world. Every contribution Turkey will make to the Palestine cause – contrary to the present state – will provide the Arab world with the opportunity to embrace with Turkey once again.
